Suchergebnisse

Southeast Asia is the world's most diverse and rapidly modernizing region, yet one where modernization theory is challenged (e.g. Bell et al., 1995) and where allegiance to authoritarian regimes appears trenchant (Chang et al., 2013; Dalton and Shin, 2014). Using the AsiaBarometer, I consider the influence of modernization and allegiance on potential democratization by analyzing an established indicator of assertive change: tolerance of homosexuality (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005: Ch. 5, forthcoming). The findings reveal differences between Southeast Asians and the West and between citizens in the Sinic and Indic subregions. Exposure to foreign cultures produces a significant increase in tolerance among Sinicized citizens, but has no meaningful effect on those in Indic states. Patriotism and trust in civil society also boost tolerance among Sinicized citizens, but reduce the probability of tolerance among citizens in Indic states. The strong linkage between sexual tolerance and gender equality driven by social factors and secularism in the West does not manifest in Southeast Asia. While the findings suggest potential for change in the Sinicized region, they underscore the different effects that globalization and allegiance may have on citizens living under Southeast Asia's variety of regimes.

Conceptualizing a political world "beyond black and white" is a familiar scholarly refrain, but theoretical relics of bipolarity remain. The deracialization concept, a much-discussed phenomenon in American elections, is one example. Asian American campaigns provide an interesting case for testing the utility of deracialization in multicultural urban milieus, given the overwhelming tendency for such candidates to be elected from predominantly non-Asian constituencies. Looking in depth at two successful campaigns by Vietnamese Americans in Northern and Southern California, I argue for a broadened approach that can better account for changes in the American political mosaic—namely, increases in immigration occurring in some of the country's fastest growing regions and the availability of alternative media. I call this approachtoggling.In this article, I outline the toggling strategy. I conclude by considering the impact of toggling on equality in the American democratic process and suggest some directions for future research.

Examines public opinion trends concerning the US two-party system & the desire for a third major political party. While the data show that Americans have become increasingly dissatisfied with the two-party system over the last 50 years -- & more receptive to alternatives -- the evidence does not reveal a growth in negativity toward Republicans & Democrats in particular, nor any desire to eliminate them. In spite of a growing interest in third parties, doubts remain about the ability of a third-party candidate to govern or sustain popular support. When given the choice, the public ultimately prefers independent candidates & nonpartisan electoral reforms to the development of a new party. 1 Appendix, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

Controversy persists over the link between turnout and the likelihood of success of Democratic candidates. To the surprise of practically everyone, we present clear and compelling evidence that higher turnout (and possibly even higher registration) actually benefit the Republicans.